Fidel Castro: Women are a Revolution within the Revolution.
Lenin: There are reformists in all countries, for everywhere the bourgeoisie seek, in one way or another, to corrupt the workers and turn them into contented slaves who have given up all thought of doing away with slavery.
W. E. B. Du Bois: There is but one evil party with two names, and it will be elected despite all I can do or say.
Albert Einstein: The minority, the ruling class at present, has the schools and press, usually the Church as well, under its thumb. This enables it to organize and sway the emotions of the masses, and make its tool of them.
Stalin: Firstly, we had to build under fire. Imagine a mason who has to lay bricks with one hand and defend what he is building with the other.
Andrei Zhdanov: The principal outcome of World War II was the military defeat of Germany and Japan-the two most militaristic and aggressive of the capitalist countries. The reactionary imperialist elements all over the world, notably in Britain, America and France, had reposed great hopes in Germany and Japan, and chiefly in Hitler Germany: firstly as in a force most capable of inflicting a blow on the Soviet Union in order to, if not having it destroyed altogether, weaken it at least and undermine its influence; secondly, as in a force capable of smashing the revolutionary labor and democratic movement in Germany herself and in all countries singled out for Nazi aggression, and thereby strengthening capitalism generally. This was the chief reason for the prewar policy of "appeasement" and encouragement of fascist aggression, the so-called Munich policy consistently pursued by the imperialist ruling circles of Britain, France, and the United States.
Andrei Zhdanov: Alarmed by the achievements of Socialism in the USSR, by the achievements of the new democracies, and by the postwar growth of the labor and democratic movement in all countries, the American reactionaries are disposed to take upon themselves the mission of "saviors" of the capital system from Communism. The frank expansionist program of the United States is therefore highly reminiscent of the reckless program, which failed so ignominiously, of the fascist aggressors, who, as we know, also made a bid for world supremacy. Just as the Hitlerites, when they were making their preparations for piratical aggression, adopted the camouflage of anti-Communism in order to make it possible to oppress and enslave all peoples and primarily and chiefly their own people, America's present-day ruling circles mask their expansionist policy, and even their offensive against the vital interests of their weaker imperialist rival, Great Britain, by fictitious considerations of defense against Communism. The feverish piling up of armaments, the construction of new military bases and the creation of bridgeheads for the American armed forces in all parts of the world is justified on the false and pharisaical grounds of "defense" against an imaginary threat of war on the part of the USSR.
Georgi Dimitrov: In the war of 1914-1918, already the bourgeoisie was aware that, without the assistance of Social Democracy it would be unable to set alight the flames of chauvinism, to deceive the masses with the slogan of " the defence of the Fatherland," and to drive them to the field of death for the sake of its imperialist interests. Now it is again placing great hopes on Social Democracy. The behaviour of the leading circles of the Second International and their social-chauvinistic position in the war also throws a vivid light on the whole of their previous policy, the policy of stubbornly sabotaging unity in the ranks of the working class and its struggle to avert the imperialist war.
Georgi Dimitrov: The Social Democratic ministers of a number of countries refused to sell arms to the Spanish people for their heroic struggle, and now, behind the mask of neutrality, are assisting the war contractors in every way in their trade in the weapons of death, and are inflaming the anti-Communist and anti-Soviet campaign.
Georgi Dimitrov: It clearly follows from the above that the Communists can have no united front whatsoever with those in a common front with the imperialists and who support the criminal anti-people's war. The working class and all working people can have no dealings with the Social Democratic, "democratic" and "radical" politicians who are betraying the vital interests of the popular masses. Between the masses of the people and these lackeys of imperialism lies the abyss of war. But in the war and the crisis which it has called into being the need for working-class unity and for rallying the masses of the working people around the working class rises more acutely than formerly. Millions of working people in the capitalist world, and, above all, in the warring countries, are vitally interested in bringing about militant working-class unity, and establishing a real popular front against the war let loose by the capitalists, against raging reaction and the unbridled plunder of the masses. And the Communists will not only not cease the struggle for unity of the proletarian ranks and for rallying together the masses of the working people, but will also increase their efforts tenfold in this direction.
Kim Jong-il: Even though the reactionary nature of social democracy has been revealed thoroughly, modern revisionists have embellished it and are advocating it today. In order to realize their strategy against socialism, the imperialists are openly forcing the socialist countries to introduce bourgeois liberalization involving a multi-party system, capitalist private ownership and the market economy. Rightist opportunism that serves their anti-socialist strategy is none other than modern social democracy. Social democracy that pursues socialist ideals in the revolutionary struggle of the working class against the oppression of capital was abused by opportunist in its early days and today it is used as an anti-socialist means of the imperialists. As a result, it has become a synonym for the most despicable treachery to revolution and socialism.
Kim Jong-il: The reactionary nature of modern social democracy is that it attempts to destroy socialism and turn it back to capitalism. There is no difference between opportunistic social democracy of the past and modern social democracy in that they both pursue capitalism. The former plays the role of a brake, checking the revolutionary transition to socialism, whereas the latter plays the role of a guide, opening the road to a "peaceful transition of socialism to capitalism". In a word, the former is a trend of bourgeois reformism while the latter is a trend of bourgeois restorationism.
Kim Jong-il: Modern social democracy, denying the leadership of the working-class party and the unified guidance of the socialist state, advocates that it aims to build a "humanitarian and democratic socialism" in place of an "administrative-bureaucratic socialism". Needless to say, socialism may have different specific features according to the guiding ideology it relies on and the methods of building and managing it. However, socialism is inconceivable separated from the political leadership of the working-class party and the unified guidance of the socialist state, which are the fundamental principles of socialism. That socialism is developing in different forms is one thing, and that socialism is returning to capitalism is another thing. The former means that it is built and managed to suit the specific situation and national characteristics of each country, invariably maintaining the working-class character. The advantages of the different types of socialism may differ from one another according to their characteristics, but any type is superior to capitalism. Giving up the basic principles of socialism is nothing but degeneration in a capitalistic way, no matter whether it is called "democratic socialism" or "humanitarian and democratic socialism".
Kim Jong-il: Modern social democracy is an outcome of illusions about capitalism. Out of illusions about "material prosperity" of developed capitalist countries, some people have been seduced by it and are giving up the revolutionary principle. If anyone analyzes the conditions of history experienced in the developed capitalist countries and socialist counties and their characteristics, he would never harbour such foolish illusions.
Kim Jong-il: The first philosophy of the working class was created by Marx. His philosophy is a critical inheritance and development of preceding philosophies. By discarding what was unscientific and reactionary in the preceding materialism and dialectics and by inheriting and developing a reasonable core, Marx created dialectical materialism. By applying it to social history, he clarified historical materialism. He directed his main efforts to critically examining the existing philosophical theories so as to free the working class, which was making a fresh appearance on the historical stage, from the outdated and reactionary outlook on the world. He gave scientific answers to the questions of correlation between matter and consciousness and between being and thinking, which until then had yet to be resolved despite repeated debates; on this basis he developed his philosophical theory.
Kim Jong-il: Social democracy, as an ideological trend of rightist opportunism, appeared long ago. Opportunist ideologies of all hues including social democracy are reactionary trends of thought which the imperialists and reactionaries made use of in earlier times to destroy the communist movement and the working-class movement from within.
Walter Lippmann: Ours is a problem in which deception has become organized and strong; where truth is poisoned at its source; one in which the skill of the shrewdest brains is devoted to misleading a bewildered people.
Walter Lippmann: The creation of consent is not a new art. It is a very old one which was supposed to have died out with the appearance of democracy. But it has not died out. It has, in fact, improved enormously in technic, because it is now based on analysis rather than on rule of thumb. And so, as a result of psychological research, coupled with the modern means of communication, the practice of democracy has turned a corner. A revolution is taking place, infinitely more significant than any shifting of economic power.
Walter Lippmann: There can be no liberty for a community which lacks the means by which to detect lies.
Walter Lippmann: It is so much easier to talk of poverty than to think of the poor, to argue the rights of capital than to see its results. Pretty soon we come to think of the theories and abstract ideas as things in themselves. We worry about their fate and forget their original content.
Walter Lippmann: Though it is disguised by the illusion that a bureaucracy accountable to a majority of voters, and susceptible to the pressure of organized minorities, is not exercising compulsion, it is evident that the more varied and comprehensive the regulation becomes, the more the state becomes a despotic power as against the individual. For the fragment of control over the government which he exercises through his vote is in no effective sense proportionate to the authority exercised over him by the government.
Walter Lippmann: Chief Factors Limiting Access to Facts: 1) Artificial censorship 2) Limitations of social contact 3) Comparatively meager time in a day for paying attention to public affairs. 4) Distortion arising because events have to be compressed into very short messages 5) Difficulty of making a small vocabulary express a complicated world 6) Fear of facing those facts which would seem to threaten the established routine of men's lives.
Walter Lippmann: Without some form of censorship, propaganda in the strict sense of the word is impossible. In order to conduct a propaganda there must be some barrier between the public and the event. Access to the real environment must be limited, before anyone can create a pseudo-environment that he thinks wise or desirable.
Walter Lippmann: But what is propaganda, if not the effort to alter the picture to which men respond, to substitute one social pattern for another?
Walter Lippmann: Only the consciousness of a purpose that is greater than any man can seed and fortify the souls of men.
Walter Lippmann: As you go further away from experience, you go higher into generalization or subtlety. As you go up in the balloon you throw more and more concrete objects overboard, and when you have reached the top with some phrase like the Rights of Humanity or the World Made Safe for Democracy, you see far and wide, but you see very little.
Walter Lippmann: The significant revolution of modern times is not industrial or economic or political, but the revolution which is taking place in the art of creating consent among the governed. Within the life of the new generation now in control of affairs, persuasion has become a self-conscious art and a regular organ of popular government. None of us begins to understand the consequences, but it is no daring prophecy to say that the knowledge of how to create consent will alter every political premise.
Walter Lippmann: We learn to understand why our addled minds seize so little with precision, why they are caught up and tossed about in a kind of tarantella by headlines and catch-words, why so often they cannot tell things apart or discern identity in apparent differences.
Walter Lippmann: We have learned to call this propaganda. A group of men, who can prevent independent access to the event, arrange the news of it to suit their purpose. That the purpose was in this case patriotic does not affect the argument at all. They used their power to make the Allied publics see affairs as they desired them to be seen.